The New York Petition to the House of Commons of October 18, 1764 was written by the New York Colonial Legislature to Parliament in complaint about the recently passed Sugar Act. In the letter, the Legislature challenges Parliament's constitutional authority to tax the colonists, as well as other provisions of the act, such as the removal of the right to trial by jury and various trade restrictions. All of this was designed by Parliament to increase tax revenue and reduce the national debt, but it caused the colonists to begin to organize and protest against Great Britain, ultimately leading to the American Revolutionary War. You can read the New York Petition to the House of Commons below.
New York Petition to the House of Commons
The New York Petition to the House of Commons
October 18, 1764
Assembly Chamber, New York City
William Nicole, Speaker
To the Honourable the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, representing the Commons of Great-Britain, in Parliament assembled.
The Representation and Petition of the General-Assembly of the Colony of New York.
Most humbly Shew,
That from the Year 1683, to this Day, there have been three Legislative
Branches in this Colony; consisting of the Governor and Council
appointed by
the Crown, and the Representatives chosen by the People, who, besides
the Power of making Laws for the Colony, have enjoyed the Right of
Taxing the
Subject for the Support of the Government.
Under this Political Frame, the Colony was settled by Protestant
Emigrants from several Parts of Europe, and more especially from
Great-Britain and
Ireland: And as it was originally modelled with the Intervention of the
Crown, and not excepted to by the Realm of England before, nor by
Great-Britain,
since the Union, the Planters and Settlers conceived the strongest
Hopes, that the Colony had gained a civil Constitution, which, so far at
least as the
Rights and Privileges of the People were concerned, would remain
permanent, and be transmitted to their latest Posterity.
It is therefore with equal Concern and Surprize, that they have received
Intimations of certain Designs lately formed, if possible, to induce
the Parliament
of Great-Britain, to impose Taxes upon the Subjects here, by Laws to be
passed there; and as we who have the Honour to represent them, conceive
that this
Innovation, will greatly affect the Interest of the Crown and the
Nation, and reduce the Colony to absolute Ruin; it became our
indispensable Duty, to trouble
you with a seasonable Representation of the Claim of our Constituents,
to an Exemption from the Burthen of all Taxes not granted by themselves,
and their
Foresight of the tragical Consequences of an Adoption of the contrary
Principle, to the Crown, the Mother Country, themselves and their
Posterity.
Had the Freedom from all Taxes not granted by ourselves been enjoyed as a
Privilege, we are confident the Wisdom and Justice of the British
Parliament,
would rather establish than destroy it, unless by our abuse of it, the
Forfeiture was justly incurred; but his Majesty's Colony of New-York,
can not only
defy the whole World to impeach their Fidelity, but appeal to all the
Records of their past Transactions, as well for the fullest Proof of
their steady
Affection to the Mother Country, as for their strenuous Efforts to
support the Government, and advance the general Interest of the whole
British Empire.
It has been their particular Misfortune, to be always most exposed to
the Incursions of the Canadians, and the more barbarous Irruptions of
the Savages of
the Desart, as may appear by all the Maps of this Country; and in many
Wars we have suffered an immense Loss both of Blood and Treasure, to
repel the Foe,
and maintain a valuable Dependency upon the British Crown.
On no Occasion can we be justly reproached for with-holding a necessary
Supply, our Taxes have been equal to our Abilities, and confessed to be
so by the
Crown; for Proof of which we refer to the Speeches of our Governors in
all Times of War; and though we remember with great Gratitude, that in
those grand
and united Struggles, which were lately directed for the Conquest of
Canada, Part of our Expences was reimbursed, yet we cannot suppress the
Remark, that
our Contribution surpassed our Strength, even in the Opinion of the
Parliament, who under that Conviction, thought it but just to take off
Part of the
Burthen, to which we had loyally and voluntarily submitted; in a Word,
if there is any Merit in facilitating on all Occasions, the publick
Measures in
the remote Extremes of the national Dominion, and in preserving
untainted Loyalty and chearful Obedience, it is ours; and (with
Submission) unabused,
nay more, well improved Privileges cannot, ought not, to be taken away
from any People.
But an Exemption from the Burthen of ungranted, involuntary Taxes, must
be the grand Principle of every free State. Without such a Right vested
in themselves,
exclusive of all others, there can be no Liberty, no Happiness, no
Security; it is inseparable from the very Idea of Property, for who can
call that his own,
which may be taken away at the Pleasure of another? And so evidently
does this appear to be the natural Right of Mankind, that even conquered
tributary States,
though subject to the Payment of a fixed periodical Tribute, never were
reduced so abject and forlorn a Condition, as to yield to all the
Burthens which their
Conquerors might at any future Time think fit to impose. The Tribute
paid, the Debt was discharged; and the Remainder they could call their
own.
And if conquered Vassals upon the Principle even of natural Justice, may
claim a Freedom from Assessments unbounded and unassented to, without
which they would
sustain the Loss of every Thing, and Life itself become intolerable,
with how much Propriety and Boldness may we proceed to inform the
Commons of Great-Britain,
who, to their distinguished Honour, have in all Ages asserted the
Liberties of Mankind, that the People of this Colony, inspired by the
Genius of their Mother
Country, nobly disdain the thought of claiming that Exemption as a
Privilege. -- They found it on a Basis more honourable, solid and
stable; they challenge it,
and glory in it as their Right. That Right their Ancestors enjoyed in
Great-Britain and Ireland; their Descendants returning to those
Kingdoms, enjoy it again:
And that it may be exercised by his Majesty's Subjects at Home, and
justly denied to those who submitted to Poverty, Barbarian Wars, Loss of
Blood, Loss of Money,
personal Fatigues, and ten Thousand unutterable Hardships, to enlarge
the Trade, Wealth, and Dominion of the Nation; or, to speak with the
most unexceptionable
Modesty, that when as Subjects, all have equal Merit; a Fatal, nay the
most odious Discrimination should nevertheless be made between them, no
Sophistry can
recommend to the Sober, impartial Decision of common Sense.
Our Constituents exult in that glorious Model of Government, of which
your Hon. House is so essential a Part; and earnestly pray the Almighty
Governor of all,
long to support the due Distribution of the Power of the Nation in the
three great Legislative Branches. But the Advocates for divesting us of
the Right to tax
ourselves, would by the Success of their Machination, render the
Devolution of all civil Power upon the Crown alone, a Government more
favourable, and therefore
more eligible to these American Dependences. The supreme Ruler in a
Monarchy, even in a despotic Monarchy, will naturally consider his
Relation to be, what it is,
equal to all his good Subjects: And equal Dispensation of Favours will
be the natural Consequence of those Views; and the Increase of mutual
Affection must be
productive of an Increase of the Felicity of all. But no History can
furnish an Instance of a Constitution to permit one Part of a Dominion
to be taxed by another,
and that too in Effect, but by a Branch of that other Part; who in all
Bills for public Aids, suffer not the least Alteration. -- And if such
an absurd and
unequal Constitution should be adopted, who, that considers the natural
Reluctance of Mankind to burthens, and their Inclination to cast them
upon the Shoulders
of others, cannot foresee, that while the People on one Side of the
Atlantic, enjoy an Exemption from the Load, those on the other, must
submit to the most
unsupportable Oppression and Tyranny.
Against these Evils, the Indulgence of the present Parliament, of which
we have had such large Experience, cannot provide, if the grand Right to
tax ourselves
is invaded. Depressed by the Prospect of an endless Train of the most
distressing Mischiefs, naturally attendant upon such an Innovation, his
Majesty's
American Subjects, will think it no inconsiderable Augmentation of their
Misery, that the Measure itself implies the most severe and unmerited
Censure,
and is urged, as far as they are acquainted, by no good Reasons of
State.
They are unconscious of any Conduct, that brings the least Imputation
upon their Love and Loyalty, and whoever has accused them, has abused
both the Colonies
and their Mother Country; more faithful Subjects his Majesty has not, in
any Part of his Dominions, nor Britain more submissive and affectionate
Sons.
And if our Contributions to the Support of the Government upon this
Continent, or for the Maintenance of an Army, to awe and subdue the
Savages should be
thought necessary, why shall it be presumed, without a Trial, that we
more than others, will refuse to hearken to a just Requisition from the
Crown? To
Requisitions for Aids salutary to our own Interests? Or why should a
more incorrigible and unreasonable Spirit be imputed to us, than to the
Parliament
of Ireland, or any other of his Majesty's Subjects?
Left to the Enjoyment of our antient Rights, the Government will be
truly informed when a Tax is necessary, and of the Abilities of the
People; and there will
be an equitable Partition of the Burthen. And as the publick Charges
will necessarily increase with the Increase of the Country, and the
Augmentation or
Reduction of the Force kept up, be regulated by the Power and Temper of
our barbarian Enemy, the Necessity for continuing the present Model must
appear
to be most strongly inforced. -- At the remote Distance of the British
Commons from the sequestered Shades of the interior Parts of this
Desart, false
Intelligence of the State of the Indians may be given; whereas the
Vicinity of the Colonies will enable them, not only, to detect all false
Alarms, and
check all fraudulent Accounts, but urge them by the never failing Motive
of Self-Preservation, to oppose any hostile Attempts upon their
Borders.
Nor will the Candour of the Commons of Great-Britain, construe our
Earnestness to maintain this Plea, to arise from a Desire of
Independency upon the Supreme
Power of the Parliament. Of so extravagant a Disregard to our own
Interests we cannot be guilty. -- From what other Quarter can we hope
for Protection? We
reject the Thought with the utmost Abhorrence; and a perfect Knowledge
of this Country will afford the fullest Proof, that nothing in our
Temper can give
the least Ground for such a Jealousy.
The peaceable and invariable Submission of the Colonies, for a Century
past, forbids the Imputation, or proves it a Calumny. -- What can be
more apparent,
than that the State which exercises a Sovereignty in Commerce, can draw
all the Wealth of its Colonies into its own Stock? And has not the whole
Trade of
North-America, that growing Magazine of Wealth, been, from the
Beginning, directed, restrained, and prohibited at the sole Pleasure of
the Parliament? And
whatever some may pretend, his Majesty's American Subjects are far from
a Desire to invade the just Rights of Great-Britain, in all commercial
Regulations.
They humbly conceive, that a very manifest Distinction presents itself,
which, while it leaves to the Mother Country an incontestable Power, to
give Laws
for the Advancement of her own Commerce, will, at the same Time, do no
Violence to the Rights of the Plantations.
The Authority of the Parliament of Great-Britain, to model the Trade of
the whole Empire, so as to subserve the Interest of her own, we are
ready to
recognize in the most extensive and positive Terms. Such a Preference is
naturally founded upon her Superiority, and indissolubly connected with
the
Principle of Self-Preservation. -- And therefore, to assign one
Instance, instead of many, the Colonies cannot, would not ask for a
Licence to import
woolen Manufactures from France; or to go into the most lucrative
Branches of Commerce, in the least Degree incompatible with the Trade
and Interest of
Great-Britain.
But a Freedom to drive all Kinds of Traffick in a Subordination to, and
not inconsistent with, the British Trade; and an Exemption from all
Duties in such a
Course of Commerce, is humbly claimed by the Colonies, as the most
essential of all the Rights to which they are intitled, as Colonists
from, and connected,
in the common Bond of Liberty, with the unenslaved Sons of
Great-Britain.
For, with Submission, since all Impositions, whether they be internal
Taxes, or Duties paid, for what we consume, equally diminish the Estates
upon which
they are charged; what avails it to any People, by which of them they
are impoverished? Every Thing will be given up to preserve Life; and
though there is
a Diversity in the Means, yet, the whole Wealth of a Country may be as
effectually drawn off, by the Exaction of Duties, as by any other Tax
upon their Estates.
And therefore, the General Assembly of New-York, in Fidelity to their
Constituents, cannot but express the most earnest Supplication, that the
Parliament
will charge our Commerce with no other Duties, than a necessary Regard
to the particular Trade of Great-Britain, evidently demands; but leave
it to the
legislative Power of the Colony, to impose all other Burthens upon it's
own People, which the publick Exigences may require.
Latterly, the Laws of Trade seem to have been framed without an Attention to this fundamental Claim.
Permit us, also, in Defence of our Attachment to the Mother Country, to
add, what your Merchants (to whom we boldly make the Appeal) know to be
an undoubted
Truth; that this Continent contains some of the most useful of her
Subjects. -- Such is the Nature of our Produce, that all we acquire is
less than sufficient
to purchase what we want of your Manufactures; and, be the Policy of
your Commerce what it will, all our Riches must flow into Great-Britain.
-- Immense have
been our Contributions to the National Stock. -- Our Staple, Industry,
Trade and Wealth, all conduce to the particular Advantage of our fellow
Subjects
there. -- The natural State of this Country, necessarily forms the
Ballance of Trade in her Favour. -- Her growing Opulence must elevate
her above all Fear
and Jealousy of these Dependences. How much stronger then the Reasons
for leaving us free from ungranted Impositions? Whoever will give full
Scope to his
Meditations on this Topic, will see it the Interest of Great-Britain, to
adopt the Maxim, that her own Happiness is most intimately connected
with the Freedom,
Ease and Prosperity of her Colonies: The more extensive our Traffick,
the Greater her Gains; we carry all to her Hive, and consume the
Returns; and we are
content with any constitutional Regulation that inriches her, though it
impoverishes ourselves. But a fuller Display of these Principles, being
prepared by
our Merchants, to be laid before the honorable House, at the last
Sitting, we shall only beg Leave to add, that any Information, repugnant
to this Account
of the low State of our Traffick, must proceed from partial, or
incompetent Witnesses; who may have formed their Estimate of the Wealth
of the Colony, during
the late War, when the French and Spanish West-Indies, were laid open to
our Trade, and those immense Profits acquired there, for the
Manufactures of
Great-Britain and Ireland, flowed into the Colonies, and Luxury advanced
upon us slower than our Gains. -- But Trade being now confined to it's
old Channels,
and indeed still more restricted, and the late acquired Cash, remitted
home for necessary Cloathing, other very indifferent Appearances begin
to take place,
and the British Merchants are, or will soon be convinced to their
Sorrow, that our Splendor was not supported by solid Riches.
The honourable House will permit us to observe next, that the Act of the
last Session of Parliament, inhibiting all Intercourse between the
Continent and
the foreign Sugar Colonies, will prove equally detrimental to us and
Great-Britain. -- That Trade, gave a value to a vast, but now alas
unsaleable Staple,
which being there converted into Cash and Merchandize, made necessary
Remittances for the British Manufactures we consumed: -- The same Law
contains a
Clause unfriendly to the Linen Manufactory in Ireland, for the Restraint
upon the Exportation of Lumber to that Kingdom, prevents even our
dunnaging the
Flax-Seed Casks sent there with Staves. -- And when we consider the
Wisdom of our Ancestors in contriving Trials by Juries, we cannot stifle
our Regret, that
the Laws of Trade in general, change the Current of Justice from the
common Law, and subject Controversies of the utmost Importance to the
Decisions of the
Vice-Admiralty Courts, who proceed not according the old wholesom Laws
of the Land, nor are always filled with Judges of approved Knowledge and
Integrity. --
To this Objection, the aforementioned Statute will at first View appear
to be so evidently open, that we shall content ourselves with barely
suggesting, that
the amazing Confidence it reposes in the Judges, gives great Grief to
his Majesty's American Subjects; and pass on to a few Remarks on that
other Law of the
same Session, which renders our Paper Money no legal Tender.
The Use of this Sort of Currency in procuring a speedy Supply on
Emergences, all the Colonies have often experienced. -- We have had
Recourse to this Expedient
in every War, since the Reign of King William the Third; and without it
we could not have co-operated so vigorously in the Reduction of Canada,
that grand stroke
which secured to Great-Britain, the immense Dominion of the Continent of
North-America. We had no other Alternative but that, or the taking up
Money upon Loan,
Lenders could not have been easily found, and if they were, the Interest
upon all the Sums raised in that Way, would have exceeded our Ability
now to discharge.
Happy for us, therefore, that we fell upon the Project of giving a
Credit to Paper, which was always supported by seasonable Taxes on our
Estates; the Currency
of the Bills being prolonged only till we were able to burn up the
Quantity from Time to Time emitted. -- Our Laws, or the Copies
transmitted to the Plantation
Office, will evince that of the numerous Emissions we have made since
the first, which was on the 8th of June, 1709, all were for the urgent
Service of the
Crown. -- One Instance is so recent, and shews the Necessity of the
Continuation of such a Power in the Colonies, in so striking a Point of
Light, that it
deserves more particular Notice. The Operations of the Year 1759, were
nearly at a Stand for want of Money. The military Chest being exhausted,
the General was
alarmed, and seeing no other Method to ward of the impending Disaster,
was obliged to ask the Colony for a Loan of One Hundred and Fifty
Thousand Pounds: We
immediately gratified his Request, -- Such was our Concern for the
publick Weal! We wish his Majesty's Service may suffer no Impediment, by
this new Restraint
in an Article which has been of so much Utility. -- The Traffick of the
Colony certainly will, for want of a competent Medium; and on that
Account, and in behalf
of those miserable Debtors, whose Estates, through the Scarcity of legal
Cash, must be extended by Executions, and hastily sold beneath their
true Value, to the
Ruin of many Families, permit us to implore your tender Commiseration.
The General Assembly of this Colony have no desire to derogate from the
Power of the Parliament of Great-Britain; but they cannot avoid
deprecating the Loss
of such Rights as they have hitherto enjoyed, Rights established in the
first Dawn of our Constitution, founded upon the most substantial
Reasons, confirmed
by invariable Usage, conducive to the best Ends; never abused to bad
Purposes, and with the Loss of which Liberty, Property, and all the
Benefits of Life,
tumble into Insecurity and Ruin: Rights, the Deprivation of which, will
dispirit the People, abate their Industry, discourage Trade, introduce
Discord, Poverty
and Slavery; or, by depopulating the Colonies, turn a vast, fertile,
prosperous Region, into a dreary Wilderness: impoverish Great-Britain,
and shake the Power
and Independency of the most opulent and flourishing Empire in the
World.
All which your Petitioners (who repose the highest Confidence in your
Wisdom and Justice) humbly pray, may be now taken into your seasonable
Consideration,
and such Measures pursued, as the Event may prove to have been concerted
for the Common-Weal, of all the Subjects of Great-Britain, both at home
and abroad.
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